The bullet was stopped by the barrel, but it's not over. It should barely begin.

The bullet was stopped by the barrel, but it's not over. It should barely begin.

It’s not good, but it could have been much worse. This would be the synthesis of the unprecedented decision by which the Constitutional Court of Romania annulled the presidential elections in their entirety. The great danger of the country falling into the hands of a puppet charlatan manipulated by obscure forces, including Russia, was avoided by a decision of the Constitutional Court outside the legal framework.

Essentially, what the Constitutional Court reproaches in the reasoning of the decision is correct: vote manipulation through misinformation and violation of equal opportunities as a result of electoral legislation breaches.

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Moreover, the issue of funding Georgescu's campaign: "The Court notes that a candidate violated electoral legislation regarding the financing of the campaign for the presidential elections.

Thus, the statements submitted to the Permanent Electoral Authority by one of the candidates regarding his campaign budget, reported as 0 lei, are in contradiction with the data presented in the 'Information Notes' of the Ministry of Internal Affairs - General Directorate for Internal Protection and the Romanian Intelligence Service."

But the procedure was a fiasco: invalidation after barely validating the first round, self-referral based on petitions, a meeting for which it was unclear for a long time whether it was informal or official, cancellation after voting had begun in the diaspora.

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In short, the Constitutional Court once again took legislation into its own hands to annul the elections, representing a new precedent that may be repeated at any time, with or without the same clear factual basis.

The CCR corrected its own abuse through questionable legal means by eliminating Diana Șoșoacă from the presidential race, a moment when a remaining electorate began to elevate Călin Georgescu to the madness to which he drove the country.

Moreover, there is a risk of undermining trust in the value and power of the vote, the cornerstone of democracy. If people come to the conclusion that no matter how they vote, the result can be annulled, their participation in the democratic process may collapse, directly affecting the legitimacy of any political power.

But the danger thus avoided was immense.

Let's not delude ourselves: the risk of Mr. Georgescu winning the elections was very high. The latest polls conducted just before the CCR decision and after the declassification of CSAT documents placed him in an advantageous position.

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For Elena Lasconi to recover would have required a small miracle. And when on the other side, with the first chance, there is such a dangerous character, the risk cannot be assumed.

Therefore, although one can understand her disappointment, Mrs. Lasconi's reaction was disappointing and inappropriate for the stature of a potential president of a country at risk of falling into the hands of a pro-Russian and neo-legionary thug. Personal risk can be assumed, but not national risk. In contrast, the positioning of Mr. Dominic Fritz was exceptional, a politician becoming increasingly substantial.

The bullet did not leave the barrel, Romania was saved for the moment, a fact immediately evident from the stock market's positive evolution. The constitutional path for the next months is quite clear until the presidential elections, which will most likely take place in March.

But that doesn't mean it's over. It should barely begin. What?

1. Analysis of a monumental institutional failure on all levels. Under the nose of the SRI, a neo-legionary abscess grew, the dangerousness of which was downplayed. Under the nose of all intelligence services, Russia had its way in the elections and managed to put a country in the EU and NATO under political siege.

Only after the elections, when the enormity began to seem alarming, did they realize, as President Iohannis himself says, whose investigation he requested.

It has been only a few months since General SRI Rog explained how strong the service is if a political party influences elections: "we use all means and the force available to an intelligence service to eliminate that threat. In many situations, it is not even known that it is us behind it, that we did all the work: we go to the institutions with legal powers to close, we provide them with all the information, and they take those measures."

How is it possible that the CSAT documents from November 28, which showed immensely grave aspects, did not reach the CCR from the beginning, so as to avoid the first validation of the first round?

The General Prosecutor's Office complained that it did not even receive the documents, learning from the press, along with the whole population, after declassification. If that's the case, how is it that the Minister of Justice, a CSAT member, did not take steps for the PICCJ to have all the data?

Inert institutions, lacking communication, without reflexes, showed the measure of a paralyzed, dysfunctional state, awakened from slumber when Russia's pawn was about to seize the country's presidency.

Such matters should be analyzed in detail and should result not only in numerous dismissals but also in at least disciplinary investigations. Because Romania is proving to be completely exposed.

2. At least now, after the monster has surfaced, the fight against its heads should begin, starting with the dubious neo-legionary organizations and paramilitary camps, the dubious financiers of Georgescu, and, of course, himself.

Prosecutors who have not even completed a single case regarding legionnaire manifestations, including that of Calin Georgescu, should seriously address this dangerous mirage based on immense ignorance.

3. Politics cannot function the same way anymore. These elections were a shock of proportions in which the electorate sent a very clear message: it can't go on like this. Just because the imminent danger was eliminated does not mean that the underlying condition that generated it has disappeared.

And if it is not addressed, if the parties do not manage to quickly regain credibility, the emergence of a new Georgescu will be only a matter of time.


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