The death of Ion Iliescu leaves Romania with a legacy that continues the toxicity of the usurpations from 1989, when the mutual protection pact made with people from the former Securitate and the former nomenclature forced the country into decades of institutional hijackings, poverty, polarization, and a hemorrhage of human resources across borders.
Ion Iliescu's departure from this world occurs just as his entry through the newly opened gates of democratic Romania: "managed" by the Romanian Intelligence Service (SRI), in whose hospital he has been hospitalized for several weeks, subjecting the population to social tests to measure the amount of anger in the face of injustice for Iliescu to be buried in worldly honor - what lies beyond this life and his accounts with divinity are not within our jurisdiction or the scope of this analysis - and to create, in advance, a valve through which resentments can decrease in intensity.
The Caragialean announcement of a committee to manage the funeral with national ceremonies, before he passes away completely, had this purpose of social detension, a kind of manipulated Flacara literary circle, where people could vent their resentment for 1989, for the Mineriads, for 35 years diverted into the underground inhabited by former affiliates and their connections, which extend all the way to Calin Georgescu.
This makes the whole strategy fit into the logic built by the former Securitate even for the 1990s: the control of social memory through rewriting key narratives.
This is not the same as lies: by organizing national funeral ceremonies, as the dignity of a former president requires, Ion Iliescu is not presented as an absolute exponent of good, but as a complex character who, as popular saying goes, had his good and bad sides.
And here lies the most damaging perversion of history, in the relativization of evil. Ion Iliescu is the one who organized the post-December evil immediately after the 1989 Revolution.
Each of the two competing theories - the confiscated Revolution and the organization of a criminal group led by Iliescu, supported by former military prosecutor Catalin Ranco Pitu and the implementation of a scenario created in the former Securitate's laboratory - places Iliescu at the center of the immediate post-December hijackings.
It was Ion Iliescu. This makes these state funerals continue the injustice of the 1990s and be about justice, not about a former head of state.
- Former military prosecutor Catalin Ranco Pitu, who handled the last indictment of the Revolution, also backtracked, explaining on the Punctul de stiri (Rock FM) podcast how in December 1989, Ion Iliescu led a political-military group that organized a huge fratricidal diversion, which killed the most lives, and brought to power people connected to Russia. These people with Moscow in their hearts can still be found in institutions today: they certainly disguise it very well: "Ion Iliescu, at 4:00 PM, became the political-military leader of Romania and succeeded Nicolae Ceausescu in all political and military positions. At 4:00 PM, the two power pillars of the Romanian state, namely the Army and the Securitate, practically shook hands for Ion Iliescu, a publishing house chief, it must be said, not some important member of the PCR, to become the new leader of the country."
- Andrei Ursu, the son of dissident Gheorghe Ursu, contradicts this theory, which he says rather whitewashes the Securitate, responsible, following the analysis made, for the hijackings of 1989. But Iliescu is still there: "Iliescu accepts this game. From that moment on, Iliescu was fully immersed in the nationalist rationale of the Securitate. Iliescu immediately took over. On December 30, 1989, he arrested Iulian Vlad, disbanded the Securitate, which was not actually disbanded, because we found the task notebooks and attendance register of the Securitate agents from January 90. They all returned to work. Indeed, there was a break until around January 9, but then they came to sign the register, by the 12th they were all there and in the same workplaces, on the same files. Their files were not taken away, the vast majority, and this control they continued to exert through this blackmail instrument that was the files, those 1,500,000 informative files, is enormous," he said on Punctul pe stiri from Rock FM.
National funerals for Ion Iliescu show the moral failure of political Romania in the last 35 years.
The deliberate delays in justice, a good part of the way, the impunity transmitted by justice with the Revolution and Mineriad files, have become, as the time of justice has passed, a moral failure. This is what happens to us and what we pay for on a colossal bill: the dead from Colectiv, the massive exodus, the ailing hospitals, corruption as a mode of organizing power networks, the resurgence of historical monstrosities, intentionally kept latent - neo-legionarism, Ceausism, hatred, especially hatred and distrust as the binding agent of the contract between the state and society.