Certainly, the launch of a criminal investigation against Călin Georgescu fundamentally changes the paradigm of the upcoming presidential elections in May. In short, after such an action, either you proceed to the end based on solid evidence and apply the law without any reservation, regardless of internal or overseas outcry, or you have made him president with an overwhelming score.
The accusations are very serious:
I cannot comment on the content of the criminal case because I am not familiar with it, but the public information is extremely serious.
What was found at Horațiu Potra's home, one of Călin Georgescu's key men, already proven, represents a military arsenal, ammunition, and weapons, which no one can legally possess in Romania except for military units. Simply put, there is no authorization for such things.
- Weapons, gold bars, and millions of dollars. Prosecutors found a secret room and a safe in the floor of Horațiu Potra's house (Photo & Video)
- Phone interceptions in which Călin Georgescu says he is preparing something: There is a strategy that only I know, it's a chance we are taking now!
Potra traveled to Moscow just before the elections, there are interceptions where Călin Georgescu talks about a plan known only to him and organizes people, one of his close associates is recorded calling the military attaché of the Russian embassy.
Of course, these things could theoretically be mere coincidences. However, in practice, it is very hard to believe.
What is now emerging, from clues and criminal classifications, but of course must be proven, leads to the preparation of a violent coup, with Russian support and technique, either at the moment of rejecting Mr. Georgescu's candidacy, or at the moment of defeat in the elections, or after a victory, when Călin Georgescu, from the position of president, would have attempted to quickly capture all institutions beyond his constitutional powers.
The criminal process lasts procedurally long enough to extend well beyond May 4.
The immediate question is what will the CCR do after Mr. Georgescu's candidacy is submitted, because he has no restrictions to do so, we understand that he was even prepared to submit the signatures to the BEC, after which the final word belongs to the CCR.
One of the accusations against Călin Georgescu is of extreme gravity, unprecedented since 1989 - incitement to actions against the constitutional order, with punishment limits between 15 and 25 years. In translation, incitement to a coup.
This time it is not just about evaluating public statements or intelligence service summaries. It is a criminal accusation, in a case that has reached the criminal action phase, and the candidate is not just a loudmouth, but a defendant.
Of course, he benefits from the presumption of innocence from a criminal point of view, but compared to the Șoșoacă case, applying the same treatment would be a matter of minimal coherence and a standard unit of measure.
Facing the military arsenal discovered at Potra's, is it acceptable to risk having someone like Călin Georgescu become the President of Romania? Is it possible for a person suspected of inciting a coup, a crime punishable by imprisonment between 15 and 25 years, to become the President of Romania?
There will be many who will revolt, protest movements are foreseeable, Musk the Nazi posts frantically. It remains essential that at least this time, the state institutions do their duty.
Because the horrifying situation we have reached is also a consequence of their impotence. How is it possible that in Romania there is such a military arsenal, such a Russian octopus, with connections up to the Chechen Kadyrov, without the law enforcement institutions of Romania knowing?
How did the organization with a fascist and racist character grow in several counties, according to PICCJ, without the state institutions noticing?
The interceptions made public are not recent. Potra was asking, in 2021 he says, for funding of 20-35 million dollars for Călin Georgescu from Frank Timiș, promising to reopen the gold mines and assuring him that "he has the support of the Americans who campaigned for Donald Trump." Where were the state institutions that knew nothing about Călin Georgescu before November 24?
Regardless of the CCR's decision, the political effects will be significant and Georgescu's legacy could be extremely toxic.
As I mentioned a few days ago, his electoral dowry could be divided between Simion and Ponta, and we could see both of them in the second round. Or it could be taken over by Mrs. Cristela Georgescu, a candidacy of the "free Călin!" type, with an emotionally charged message that is hard to combat.