What happened on January 24th can be a sample, fortunately still minor, of what can happen on a larger scale in the coming months.
In Bucharest, there were two demonstrations. One authorized, union-related, in Victory Square, and one political of „inhoration” in Youth Park, at the call of Calin Georgescu, this time present, but still surrounded by square bodyguards.
Mr. Georgescu had intended from the beginning to capture the union demonstration and, initially, had called his supporters to Victory Square. However, the unionists did not accept him, as they refused politicization.
But even unwelcomed, after the "inhoration," Calin Georgescu's supporters went to Victory Square, practically merging the two rallies.
The effect could have been one of enhancement, but it didn't turn out that way because the unionists quickly withdrew, unwilling to be associated with the political protest. This time.
People's anger is justified. Years of poor governance, lies, and defiance have come to a head. The "train" ordinance was just a first inevitable part of this and has had painful effects for many.
So it is expected that protests will continue and social tension will increase, as it is expected that the extremist camp will intensify its efforts to capture this extremely valuable electoral wave, but for whose troubles they have absolutely no solution.
If things go wrong, anger may unite. And what are the chances of things going well?
Once installed in the square and after appropriating the union protesters' protest gear - what's mine is mine, right? - Georgescu's protesters tried to resist the gendarmes with an attempt to break through the cordon and provoked them with aggressive gestures, hoping to elicit a strong reaction and thus victimize themselves.
That didn't work either because there were still quite a few of them. But next time there could be more, better organized, and more willing to continue.
Needless to say, nothing that happened on Friday had anything to do with the spirit of unity, with the immense historical significance of that day. It was also an electoral hijacking by people who have nothing to offer but everything to steal.
The simple fact that the day did not end badly is no guarantee that the worst is over. The tension in society is very high, we are entering a new, controversial electoral period, unrecognized as such by everyone, polarization is total, arguments have no value, not even perceived through the thick fog of emotions.
And the reaction of the political class continues to be very poor.
Living, in my opinion, a kind of post-traumatic electoral shock after November 24th, Marcel Ciolacu seems to have lost his mind and is doing crazy things on TikTok, but he fails to communicate publicly somewhat credibly.
I can understand that post-traumatic shock after the election is even harder to bear when it was a self-inflicted electoral wound. But he remains the prime minister of a country in serious overlapping crises, and his antics with cabbage rolls on his head or on the "troti" are further irritating.
Klaus Iohannis seems to have barricaded himself in Neptun, he doesn't resign, as would be minimally decent to do, nor does he assume his role as president in a difficult moment. He doesn't do anything wrong in particular, nor does he have anything left to do, but his mere presence is enraging because it is useless and costly.
The only ones who take responsibility are Ilie Bolojan and Kelemen Hunor.
The UDMR leader has taken on intense and solid communication, the raising of the level of Hungarian involvement is evident, which in the given context soaked with hysterical nationalism can be a double-edged sword. But for the rational ones, who need serious communication, Mr. Kelemen Hunor is doing a very good job.
The PNL president and Senate president is the first to start delivering reform. That is what he promised and what is known that he did at the Oradea City Hall and at the Bihor County Council.
And Mr. Bolojan also made an important point, he did not hide. On January 24th, he and Minister Burduja were the only representatives of central power at the ceremony in Focșani.
He faced the booing, just as he faced the anger of those laid off from the Senate, but I have no doubt that this vertical assumption for undeniably correct decisions will bring him benefits.
And in Oradea, it started with booing and a lot of anger, and now he has no rival in Bihor. The difference is that now he doesn't depend solely on himself, he doesn't have control only proportionally with the PNL percentages, and the dominant force, PSD, continues to scurry.
And if he continues to do so, popular anger will no longer be able to be stopped or controlled.