Why didn't Ilie Bolojan run for president, even though he would have won? An explanation for today's crisis

The refusal of the PNL leader, who briefly visited the Cotroceni Palace after Iohannis' resignation, to run in the May 2025 elections for the position of head of state remains a mystery. However, today's crisis provides an answer and indicates the making of a correct decision.
Why didn't Ilie Bolojan run for president, even though he would have won? An explanation for today's crisis

 „Bolojan… has victory in his hands… being the favorite in the presidential race. He is the only one who can, through his victory, pacify the country and greatly limit the influence of extremist parties supported by Russia, but Ciolacu, Hellvig, Thuma, and others ask him to give up, even though they have no guarantee whatsoever regarding the success of Crin Antonescu’s candidacy.”

The paragraph above was written on March 13, 2025, in an article where I argued for the need for the then interim president to enter the race.

Among those who were not enthusiastic about a possible candidacy of the former mayor of Oradea are today’s „putschists” in the PNL, on the Hellvig – Thuma axis, as well as Marcel Ciolacu and his successor at the helm of the PSD, Sorin Grindeanu.

The camps were already outlined, and the social democrats' and a part of the PNL's dependence on the USL was visible through their erratic support of a politician "manipulated" by the heirs of the Securitate. I'm referring to Crin Antonescu.

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In Search of a Strong Party

I never had a particular enthusiasm for Nicușor Dan. I wrote about the toxic relationship he has with Matei Păun during the campaign for a second term as Mayor of Bucharest.

At that time, many of his supporters criticized the article, considering it subjective.

Subsequent events confirmed the mysterious connection of the current president of Romania with a businessman connected to Russia's sphere of influence, as well as with public positions in which he supported Putin.

And for this reason, I was convinced that Ilie Bolojan's candidacy for the presidency of Romania was more useful for restoring international credibility after the annulled elections of 2024, but also a stronger guarantee regarding the functioning of democracy in our country and the attachment to the European Union.

But at that time, I did not suspect how serious and profound the crisis was in which Romania had plunged in the second term of Klaus Iohannis and in the USL 2 government led by Ciucă and Ciolacu.

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It is only through the prism of current events that I realized Ilie Bolojan's decision was the correct one.

With the need for a credible president who inspires trust and authority, at that moment when Romania was navigating the unknown, caught between Kremlin attacks and those of MAGA in the US, Ilie Bolojan took a step back, understanding that a victory in the presidential elections would have turned him into a luxury prisoner, confined in the gilded cage of the Cotroceni Palace.

Exactly what is happening now with Nicușor Dan.

Bolojan realized that without a strong political vehicle, the authority of the head of state is worth less than a frozen onion.

Ilie Bolojan PNL
STRATEGY. Ilie Bolojan aims for a strong PNL to win elections before considering a possible candidacy for the presidency of Romania - Photo: George Călin/ Inquam Photos

Isolation at the Palace

He took over the PNL on the evening of November 25 from Nicolae Ciucă. Ciucă, as a presidential candidate, received 8.8% of the votes cast, a real disaster.

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Bolojan's leadership raised PNL's popularity by 6 percentage points in just one week, with the liberals obtaining 14% in the parliamentary elections on December 1, 2024.

The former mayor of Oradea realized that the result was not sufficient to have political support in the event of a presidential candidacy, so he took a step back, hiding behind a promise made when taking over the PNL.

Nicușor Dan's failure occurred precisely because the current president lacks the support of any political party.

Effectively, he is a prisoner at the Cotroceni Palace, surrounded by a "clique" mixing all kinds of interests, from political to economic ones.

Nicușor Dan, Romania
WITHOUT SUPPORT. Nicușor Dan, due to his failure to obtain the support of a political party or alliance, finds himself isolated at the Cotroceni Palace - Photo: Alexandru Dobre/ Mediafax/ Hepta.ro

Master Manole

The current power structure in Romania is one of guaranteed bankruptcy. The country is still in the inertia generated by the brutal annulment of the presidential elections, with institutions and agencies penetrated by Russia, with a network of influence still connected to the Kremlin manipulating politicians and businessmen, even though Moscow's power is considerably diminishing.

The border war has shattered the entire internal and external security system in our country, and what we see now represents a timid attempt at reconstruction. Unfortunately, Romania is still trapped in the myth of Master Manole, what rises today falls tomorrow.

With each passing day, it becomes increasingly clear that we are heading, in one way or another, towards early elections. There has been a reset regarding the presidential election, and now there is a need for one regarding the parliamentary election. The competition between parties, which took place in 2024, was as compromised as the race for the presidency.

Those who remember the games played by Ciucă and Ciolacu, the change in the election date, as well as the interference in the electoral process, better understand that the parliamentary election was compromised, just like the presidential one.

For example, the emergence of POT (Party of Young People), which obtained 6.7% of the votes without the party existing before the elections, being a completely artificial political creation following the "model" of Călin Georgescu. The TikTok maneuver was applied in both the presidential and parliamentary elections.

The Only Salvation for Nicușor Dan

Thus, today's political deadlock is related to the strong tension between society and state authority, which can only be resolved through elections.

Now, PSD, as well as AUR to a large extent, are only buying time, avoiding meeting with citizens at all costs, without having the credibility resources to govern.

With the arrival of autumn, we may witness a real wave of popular anger against PSD and AUR, as well as against President Nicușor Dan if he does not initiate the procedures for organizing elections.

Some may wonder why I have mentioned George Simion's party alongside PSD? In my opinion, AUR is a party created just as artificially as POT. The difference between the two formations lies in the different "founders" and the year they were created.

In the context where, indeed, new parliamentary elections will be organized, AUR will deflate due to the lack of money coming through Russian channels and probably reduced involvement of intelligence agencies in politics following a series of failures in recent years.

Even for Nicușor Dan, the only salvation for his presidency is a new parliamentary election, a way through which he could reset his relationship with PNL and USR.