For three days, the senior members of the FSN struggled to evoke an emotional response from the public. But the response was one of indifference, which served as a cold shower for them, witnessing the end of an era.
Initially, Marcel Ciolacu saw Ion Iliescu’s departure as a political opportunity for himself, a chance to ride the wave of emotion, but the wave broke, and the former prime minister ended up on the shore, not quite understanding what had happened.
Grindeanu thought the same, making calculations, hoping to take control of the coalition following such a sad and emotional event for the people, but the people did not find it sad or emotional, rather liberating - as if they had been relieved of a burden they had carried for too long.
With all the strength they had left, the heirs of the Communist Party tried to influence people, both through television channels and social networks, attacking Nicușor Dan, the President of Romania, for not attending the funeral.
The astonishment of the heirs was immense; for the first time in 35 years, someone did not respond to their commands, managed to distance themselves from the underground power circle, and made a decision that practically diminished their toxic influence in society.
Crin Antonescu Steps In
With one last effort, Crin Antonescu was awakened from his slumber, called upon to deliver a stunning blow to the Băsescu supporters, but those who were absent from the important ceremony were actually the voters of the USL supporters, those of Crin Antonescu, who once again missed the chance to enter a presidential final.
"After 20 years of leading Romania (Presidency, Courts, Prosecutors, Services), the Băsescu supporters and post-Băsescu supporters are making a scandal at the state funeral with honors. They bravely fight over events that happened 35 years ago. Their president (Mr. Nicușor) hides in the office, in the same building as the deceased honored by law. He doesn't have the courage to light a candle (tribe gets upset) or to publicly explain his absence (he can't, it's complicated, you risk stumbling or forgetting what you were supposed to say)," wrote Crin Antonescu on his Facebook page, forgetting his unexplained connection to Ceaușescu's Securitate and the fact that after the Revolution, he was guided by "an unseen hand through the dark and cold labyrinth of Romanian politics," as I wrote in an article showing that he was manipulated by Dinu Patriciu, a politician enriched by his ties to the secret services.
Crin Antonescu's public reactions only show frustration, another argument that the influence of the Communist Party heirs is nearing its end.
A Single Chance for Survival
No matter how much PSD shouts at Nicușor Dan, at Bolojan, at the USL supporters, at the post-Băsescu supporters, it is not these who betrayed the cause of the state party, but exactly those they deceived for over three decades, their audience, those who voted for them to "keep peace in the country," as Iliescu blackmailed in 1990, those who voted for them for pensions and salaries, in reality, only hollow promises from communication campaigns aimed at gathering votes from vulnerable, frightened, and whipped with propagandistic lies, distributed through home TV channels.
In the latest opinion poll in July, PSD was rated with a public support of 13.7%, a shocking score for Ion Iliescu's state party, whose leaders continue to act as if they have the majority in Parliament.
Grindeanu, Stănescu, Ciolacu know very well that PSD has only one chance of survival left, that of reforming the party and entering elections in a pro-European coalition.
Although there are many social-democratic leaders flirting with the idea of forming a new majority with AUR, SOS, and POT, this is just a manifestation of nostalgia for the times when PSD manipulated parliamentary games.
A shift towards the political swamp of AUR would mean the final chapter of the party's existence, unable to govern alongside extremists due to lack of international credibility and an economy that would collapse within weeks, with social democrats quickly becoming the lightning rod of failure.
Moreover, such a path could lead to unknown directions, even early elections.
In Search of a Revival Plan
The party leadership's greatest irritation stems from the fact that everyone has learned that PSD has lost its influence and is left without political resources for a party revival plan.
The canceled elections, Russia's ongoing hybrid attack, the public pressure on state institutions to wake up, the need for quick decisions, public anger following the failures of Iohannis and Ciolacu's mandates, all have fundamentally changed the political reality in Romania.
The lack of enthusiasm surrounding the former president's funeral ceremony is the result of a major shift in how the electorate relates to political parties. PSD is forced to adapt quickly if it is not to be engulfed by the new societal trends.
Despite the uproar, threats, and the theater played by Sorin Grindeanu, PSD will not leave government, at least until the party congress takes place and the new leadership is installed.