How President Iohannis came to declassify the CSAT documents, after just a few days following the November 24 election when he stated he was not informed of any issues, and how Marcel Ciolacu ended up announcing explicit support for Elena Lasconi, became clear with the unexpectedly strong-worded statement from the US Department of State.
The Department of State warns that the outcome of elections strongly influenced by Russia "would have a serious negative impact on US-Romania cooperation in the security field, while a decision to restrict foreign investments would discourage American companies from continuing to invest in Romania."
In other words, in simpler terms, with a puppet manipulated by Russia and neo-legionaries at the helm of Romania, with the most significant responsibilities precisely in the defense and security field, we will be on our own both militarily and financially.
Because, once the US takes a step back, Romania becomes an insecure country for investors where only Russian oligarchs might be interested in investing.
Those who will argue that a change of power is also imminent in the US, and Donald Trump could favor a Romanian Trumpist president, I recommend they look for a clear signal of support from the future administration for Georgescu. It doesn't exist, even though Trump is not shy.
Georgescu does not have the necessary profile to represent Trumpism; he is just a vulnerability that even Donald Trump cannot play with in a country with the American shield on it.
The question is whether the declassification of the CSAT documents, along with all the evidence in them, the strong position of the US, and the repositioning of the PSD leadership can decisively influence Sunday's outcome.
It's hard to say at this point, given that radicalization was already extreme, and camp mobilization was at its peak. For those who had already realized what kind of charlatan Georgescu is, all the above represents additional confirmation.
For Georgescu's supporters, what does it represent? The narrative they see echoed on all channels by himself and his supporters is that the panicked system is attacking him, alone against the system, portraying victimization and heroism.
In this case as well, we pay the price of discrediting institutions in Romania. Caught up in political warfare and chaos, they have lost the trust of a large portion of citizens who view their statements more as manipulative lies. Hence, conspiracism has become an ideology.
Even in this scenario, how affected is the credibility of communications that come so late, regarding phenomena that have been unfolding unchecked under the noses of institutions, some for years, such as neo-legionarism? If it's so serious, why are you only speaking out now, ask Georgescu's camp, and a credible answer is hard to provide.
All of this should be clarified swiftly after the electoral calm and should result not only in dismissals but also in a lot of prison time.
If the already radicalized camps are likely to become even more entrenched in their positions after the declassification of the documents, hope may lie with the large mass of previously inert citizens, over 47% who did not vote on November 24.
The chance would be for more than 50% of those who will vote on Sunday to understand that if they are poor now, with Georgescu as president, they will be even poorer because foreign money will no longer come, and without it, Romania financially suffocates. If they feel disrespected now, with Georgescu as president, they will face a sanitary cordon drawn around a country gone mad.
If they hate the system now, what Georgescu will bring them is still a system, more terrible, more deceitful, and extremely violent in a neo-legionary model: you don't like it, we'll cut your throat!
If those mesmerized by Georgescu turn out to be the majority, the nuclear option remains, undesirable both as a precedent and due to predictable social effects, of invalidating the mandate.
As I pointed out yesterday, there is a legal basis, unlike the case of Şoşoacă, a monumental stupidity now being accounted for.
And the basis for invalidating the mandate is the declared zero-cost campaign funding of Mr. Georgescu. Both Law 334/2006 and Constitutional Court Decision 408/2020 show that this could be grounds for invalidating the campaign.
SNSPA Rector, Remus Pricopie, also advocated for a preventive action, meaning a halt by the Constitutional Court to the second round, the annulment of the entire tainted electoral process, and a fresh start from scratch. There is already a notification to the Constitutional Court.
It's challenging; we lack a legal framework; we would step into uncharted legislative territory. And it's extremely risky to invite a Constitutional Court that often exceeds its powers and effectively legislates, as you won't be able to criticize it when it does the same in other situations. Do we accept the precedent?
Uncharted indeed is the territory we would enter with Georgescu as President of Romania, and the risk of it turning into a deadly quagmire is immense.