In disagreement with the almost-general whining, I do not consider that decisions regarding the electoral calendar and joint lists in themselves would represent any disaster for democratic rules.
Completely unacceptable is the way the decision was made hastily, at the limit of legal deadlines and for this reason with debatable constitutionality, as well as the blatant hypocrisy of the reasons invoked. However, they can be severely punished at the ballot box.
That the electoral year 2024 includes 4 types of elections was not discovered yesterday, so the decision could have been made predictably and calmly.
As for the fight against extremism, it is not extremism that threatens Romania, but the high tide of poor governance. In fact, the interest of PSD and PNL is to maximize their electoral chances.
It is in the interest of the two party leaders to avoid any danger related to the score in the European Parliament elections. Together, they cannot fail to come out on top.
Moreover, it is axiomatic that two parties that are rivals in an electoral year cannot govern together, so tensions within the coalition up to the breaking point would have marked the entire year 2024.
Moreover, it is axiomatic that two parties which are rivals in an electoral year cannot govern together, so tensions within the coalition up to the breaking point would have marked the entire year 2024.
And above all, it is certainly in Klaus Iohannis's interest to increase his chances of obtaining a European position, offering Europe a model of broad collaboration against the sovereignism haunting the EU and stability at the border with war.
Marcel Ciolacu has also stated that an important European position for Romania will be negotiated in both political families, meaning for Klaus Iohannis.
But let's not be hypocrites! If alliances and common candidates against incumbent PSD mayors have been considered beneficial and democratic, I fail to see why alliances and common candidates against the incumbent Opposition mayors would be any different.
Five years ago, the European Parliament elections were combined with a referendum, convened by Klaus Iohannis, aimed at coloring the political day with the hated face of Liviu Dragnea, which brought a spectacular score for PNL and USR-PLUS.
Ultimately, people will go out to vote, and no one and nothing can compel them to validate this combined offer, the hypocrisy with which it has been argued, the real interests behind it, the results of governance. If they do so, it means that the Opposition failed to offer something convincing.
And this offer of the new USL presented with great pomp is not exactly a general happiness. The proof lies not only in the withered faces of those who participated in announcing Wednesday night's decisions but also in the hesitation of the two party leaders to set an electoral target of 50% for the PSD-PNL electoral alliance in the European Parliament elections.
In politics, 1+1 never equals 2, and simply putting two parties together does not mean you add up their votes arithmetically. From this point of view, although the Liberals seem to be saved from the impact of the first election of the year, through the joint lists with PSD, they are sacrificing their identity.
The losses will be significant, and it is possible that they will be disproportionately felt first in local elections, with incumbent mayors as collateral victims. "Prin noi înșine" (By Ourselves) has become "Prin noi înșine" (By Ourselves) towing behind PSD.
And the clear voices from PNL, primarily Ilie Bolojan, have drawn attention to this immense problem. PSD is sacrificing seats in the European Parliament in order to have someone to govern with in the future. PNL, although it appears to be a winner now, has actually betrayed its electorate.
Most likely, the joint lists for the European Parliament elections are just the first act of the long-term alliance and will be followed by joint lists for parliamentary elections and a common candidate for the presidential elections. Marcel Ciolacu has also stated that decisions for the rest of the electoral year will be announced on June 10. Decisions based on the encouraging background of a predictable victory, isn't it?
The big surprise is the advancement of the presidential elections to September.
A buffer period, following the American model, in which the new president prepares to take office, forms his team, so that in December he can directly get to work without an adaptation period, is not necessarily a bad thing.
But it is unlikely that this is the real reason, just as the story about the heavy load in December when Romania would have been blocked by elections, poured out by Marcel Ciolacu, is not real either.
A real reason is once again related to Klaus Iohannis's interests, to be able to quickly move towards a new European protocol he longs for. So he can resign at any time, with the successor already chosen.
Another reason is related to a broader political move. On one hand, if the score of PNL-PSD in the European Parliament elections is very high, they want to enter the presidential elections as soon as possible with this advantage.
On the other hand, a newly elected president, with the accompanying legitimacy, will ask the electorate for a parliament with which he can implement the electoral plans for which he was, wasn't he, elected.
Scheduling the presidential elections in September suggests two things: that there will be a common PSD-PNL candidate and joint lists for parliamentary elections as well. Who could be this common candidate deserves a separate analysis.
It remains to be seen how the remaining issues still pending will be addressed: the allocation of seats on the joint electoral lists, based on the parties' share in the coalition, says Nicolae Ciucă, but also the joint candidates where alliances exist, in local elections.