They left with their votes. What remains?

They left with their votes. What remains?

Romania is rapidly losing its citizens, as shown by the latest data published by the National Institute of Statistics. Last year, Romania recorded the highest migration in the last 30 years, especially among individuals aged 15 to 44.

We wrote last week that this galloping migration does not seem to have money as its sole, not even main driver, considering that the top counties from which people left massively are led by Bucharest, where the standard of living is comparable to many European capitals. Many have left from Brasov, Suceava, Timis, and Constanta.

We pointed out that people are leaving primarily in search of a normal and predictable life, with quality public services, with respect for the citizen.

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Hence, those who have demands, who can no longer be fed lies, who understand what democracy means and what should be demanded from officials paid with public money, are leaving.

But along with them, their votes are also leaving.

Only in the presidential and European Parliament elections can one vote at any polling station. For the parliamentary elections that actually determine governance, and thus the direction, one can only vote from their domicile constituency, and those who already have a domicile abroad are represented by 6 parliamentarians, 4 deputies, and two senators.

And there is no rush to the polls. The June election showed a weak presence of the diaspora.

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Therefore, with the exodus of demanding and "enlightened" Romanians, the chances of Romania entering a different political paradigm weaken.

We should not be surprised, therefore, by the decline in the level of the political class, the decline in the level of discourse. They are the product and, respectively, the effect of significant demographic and sociological changes.

This year's election is no exception. The topics addressed are currently minor, the daily fires, emotions, especially negative ones, petty attacks with inflated words, the turmoil of the hardcore factions.

The pre-presidential campaign is a contest of populism, the topics are irrelevant, everyone feels entitled to pour anything into the ears of the listeners, the more bombastic, the better.

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The few names with authentic and consistent credibility are being exploited, everyone is pulling at them, some covertly, some openly, hoping that trust is contagious, like a disease.

The major parties still hope to lead voters to the polls like a herd, party mobilization being able to make even elephants fly. In this belief, there is a profound contempt for the critical spirit of voters; we will see how justified it is.

But the candidates say what is expected of them, those gifted with articulate speech. Even if they utter absurdities, they are well-received as long as they sound good. None of them strives to enlighten the voters but cynically exploits their ignorance to the fullest.

We will not have debates. In fact, no one wants them, or not in a truly relevant format. For example, Cristian Diaconescu on Canal 33 told me that the first question he would ask the other candidates is what they would include in the first agenda of the Supreme Council for National Defense in January. I am ready to bet that only Mircea Geoana and Kelemen Hunor would know how to provide a serious answer.

It is easier for each to recite their own script and, if necessary, to invoke debates only with the candidates they know they can dominate. Who wouldn't want a debate with Nicolae Ciucă? But this happens because President Iohannis destroyed the debate model in 2019, and the electorate rewarded him with 200 more votes than in 2014.

What can come out of this campaign? A result based on the demands of the electorate, nothing more.


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