Shortly after Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan announced that, finally, the coalition parties have reached consensus regarding administrative reform, Sorin Grindeanu, president of PSD, felt the need to go public and announce a kind of referendum within the party.
Only eight months after its inception, the government led by Ilie Bolojan manages to take the first measures to reduce expenses at the central and local administration levels, the main objective for which it was formed.
Due to the huge budget deficit, almost 10% of GDP, at the end of the complicated year 2024, Romania had entered a slippery slope leading to insolvency, being forced to regain the trust of international creditors through tough measures of tax increases and public spending cuts.
Contrary to what was promised in the presidential electoral campaign, which focused unusually heavily on economic and governance issues, even though the head of state does not have significant powers in these areas, such as a possible tax increase to be made after the administrative reform or, at worst, concurrently, the so-called pro-European coalition - PSD, PNL, USR, and UDMR - increased taxes quite rapidly, followed by an endless dispute over reducing public spending.
I have thought and I will propose to my colleagues, to conduct a consultation a bit more extensive than what we did last summer... do we maintain this coalition in its current form, together with PSD, PNL, UDMR, USR, or in a more restricted form, without USR, for example? And if we move forward with Prime Minister Ilie Bolojan, because the protocol can remain very simple with PSD, PNL, UDMR, and with another prime minister appointed by PNL...
Sorin Grindeanu, president of PSD
The resistance to change was assumed by PSD, which hoped to gain the support of dissatisfied voters with "Bolojan's cuts."
But the rift between the Social Democrats and the Romanians is much deeper and stronger than Sorin Grindeanu, the new party president, imagined, having taken over a formation from Marcel Ciolacu that was in shock after failing, in two successive attempts, to make an impact in the race for the Cotroceni Palace, a first in post-communist history.
- Grindeanu threatens to block the budget. Strong attack on Bolojan: He is not only the prime minister of USR, but also of PSD, UDMR, and even PNL
- Bolojan responds to Grindeanu from Brussels, about respect for citizens: The duty of a prime minister is to do what is necessary for Romania
A uselist plan
Initially, the coalition's blackmail was linked to a possible alliance between PSD and AUR and the formation of a new majority, as demanded by party mayors on both sides, ideologically captivated by extremists' populism.
But Grindeanu quickly understood, as did Simion, that the majority of AUR voters mostly despise PSD. Many of them failed in the nationalist swamp because they were disappointed by the Social Democrats.
Thus, the president of PSD changed strategy and began to cultivate the dissatisfied within PNL, the former people of Iohannis, those who were part of the second version of the USL, with Ciucă and Ciolacu.
This prompted Eduard Hellvig, the former director of the SRI, to awaken Crin Antonescu once again, making him write on Facebook and embarrass himself through Realitatea TV studios, as well as Hubert Thuma, the president of Ilfov County Council, who was tasked with undermining the Bolojan - Ciucu axis in PNL.
Simultaneously, the new idea that the Social Democrats do not withdraw from the coalition but want a different liberal prime minister and the removal of USR from governance was heavily promoted through communication channels funded by PSD.
In other words, a double blow to the reformist electorate, the 6 million voters who cast their votes in May 2025 for the Dan-Bolojan tandem. In essence, Grindeanu aimed at the political annihilation of the two.
The sound of money
It must be said that Sorin Grindeanu had such an extensive maneuvering space in these 10 months because the President and the Prime Minister of Romania did not collaborate, did not have a common strategy, and failed to assert themselves in front of the corrupt, compromised, Kremlin-penetrated institutional system, still controlled by PSD.
We cannot afford duplicitous actions, sabotage within the coalition, or changes in political agreements halfway through. For these reasons, PNL asks President Grindeanu to decide whether he is in government or in opposition.
PNL Statement, reaction to Sorin Grindeanu's internal referendum
Romania's great fortune during this entire period is that the country remains dependent on financial flows coming from the European Union towards the domestic economy.
The serious financial problems caused by the pandemic and the border war, leading to high inflation and a huge deficit, have eliminated any possibility for political formations in the country to avoid reforms without risking Romania's rapid bankruptcy.
This obstacle remains, and the significant effort of Sorin Grindeanu and Eduard Hellvig is to convince people that Ilie Bolojan must be replaced.
While this may not be too difficult in Romania, where many individuals are affected by tax increases and high prices, it is much harder in Brussels, where both the European Commission, which is transferring tens of billions of euros to Romania this year through the PNRR and other investment programs, and the rating agencies warn whenever they have the opportunity that a political crisis will stop the music, meaning the sound of money.
From MAGA to the founding mission, in a few months
The internal party referendum, announced by Sorin Grindeanu in a lengthy interview published by G4media, should be interpreted as an attempt to calm things down within PSD.
Mayors and party leaders are disoriented, scared of losing elections, and unsure of the party's future direction.
"...there are dissatisfactions within PSD. I don't think I'm being uncollegial if I say this, and I don't think I'm revealing any secrets. There are colleagues who believe that we have lost part of the founding mission, so to speak, of social democracy with certain measures that have been taken," stated Florin Manole (PSD), Minister of Labor.
Thus, within a few months, the party is once again discussing the left-wing mission of the party, after progressivism was brutally removed from the statute in an attempt to MAGA-ize the party by Sorin Grindeanu at the congress where he was appointed president.
If we add to this the "shocking" recognition of same-sex marriages, requested of Romania through a decision by the ECHR, we have a party's attempt to quickly lean towards the left, an unoccupied area of the political spectrum, seeking survival solutions.
"Simply put, I don't know why the decision of the ECHR is not being implemented at this time," stated Sorin Grindeanu regarding the legal recognition of same-sex marriages.
The internal referendum and the revival of left-wing ideology also indicate PSD's preparation for possible opposition.
In the event that Sorin Grindeanu concludes that there are no other solutions for the party's revival, he will propose leaving the government, with the aim of returning to power in the parliamentary elections of 2028.
However, it is a risky strategy because the departure of the Social Democrats from power in the current context, where they no longer control the Parliament or financial flows, as happened during the Tariceanu period, will be a unique experience that can lead anywhere, into the unknown.