After a tense summer marked by the crisis in Ceuta, the European Union member states are seeking solutions for managing migration. Reintroducing border controls, establishing deportation centers outside the EU, and redistributing migrants will be at the center of a heated debate this fall.
Migration is back in the spotlight of the European agenda, as activities resume in Brussels after a summer dominated by the most serious crisis of this kind in recent years, writes Euronews.
On July 30, over 70,000 migrants entered the Spanish enclave of Ceuta in a single day - a number larger than the total of irregular entries recorded until then in 2026 at all other European borders. The episode triggered a political crisis in Spain and put the other member states on alert.
The crisis in Ceuta has intensified pressures on the EU to implement stricter rules for asylum seekers and accelerate returns. At the same time, however, it has exposed vulnerabilities in the new European migration system, now undergoing its first true test of resilience.
European leaders are set to discuss the issue in October at the European Council in Brussels, following a summer and early autumn marked by heated discussions among Interior Ministers and ambassadors of the member states.
Schengen, increasingly fragile
The first effect of the crisis has been felt on one of the fundamental principles of the EU: free movement within the community space.
Following the Ceuta crisis, Italy reintroduced border controls for a month at the air and sea borders with Spain. Other countries, such as Denmark and Finland, went further and requested the temporary suspension of Spain from the Schengen area - the zone where European citizens and residents have been able to travel without internal border controls since 1985.
Madrid responded to Rome with a similar measure, reintroducing border controls until September 7 and even adopting the wording used in Italy's official notification. At the end of the month, the two countries decided to extend the measure for another 15 days.
Concern that Schengen rules could indirectly facilitate illegal migrant movement is not limited to Italy, however.
At the beginning of August, EU Interior Ministers met online in an extraordinary session to discuss the future of free movement. 22 governments declared they were ready to take "necessary measures" to protect public order and manage the risks associated with "secondary movements" of migrants - meaning their movement from one member state to another after their initial entry into the EU.
According to Davide Colombi, a migration researcher at the CEPS think tank in Brussels, "the Schengen system has become one of the main victims of internal political dynamics and member states' concerns regarding migration."
Member states can unilaterally reintroduce temporary border controls for periods of up to six months, which can be extended under certain conditions for up to two years, citing security reasons.
Currently, Germany, Spain, Italy, Denmark, Austria, the Netherlands, Poland, France, and Sweden, as well as Norway, have temporarily reintroduced border controls. Among the reasons cited are irregular migration and terrorist threats.
Member states began maintaining internal border controls in 2015 during the so-called European refugee crisis. The elimination of these controls is closely linked to the EU's ability to protect and monitor its external borders.
"Migration will have significant consequences on internal free movement. Currently, the European Commission prefers the diplomatic route rather than applying EU law and challenging the reintroduction of border controls," explains Colombi.
European solidarity starts to creak
Instead of showing solidarity with Spain, several member states have accused Pedro Sánchez's government of not doing enough to protect Europe's external borders after the massive influx of migrants.
Solidarity is, at least formally, one of the central principles of the new European migration rules that came into force on June 12.
The EU Pact on Migration and Asylum introduces a mandatory mechanism where member states must support countries on the front line of migration pressure. Each year, a "solidarity mechanism" is established, and each country must decide how to contribute: by relocating asylum seekers to their own territory, through financial contributions, or by funding personnel and other operational costs.
The most controversial aspect is the redistribution of migrants within Europe. Governments are hesitant about this solution and have managed to significantly reduce the number of people earmarked for relocation in 2026 by requesting various derogations.
Relocation applies only to asylum seekers and individuals who have already been granted protection. Therefore, most Moroccan migrants who illegally entered Ceuta in July do not fall into this category. They have been or are to be returned to their country of origin.
However, Spain is among the states considered "under migration pressure" due to the high number of arrivals recorded last year and will benefit from the European solidarity mechanism. In total, 8,878 individuals who have applied for asylum in Spain, Italy, Greece, Cyprus, and Malta will be relocated to other member states.
On the other hand, states receiving migrants will be able to send back to countries at the EU's external border individuals who engaged in what Brussels terms "secondary movement": migrants who entered the EU through one member state but later moved irregularly to another country and applied for asylum there.
According to European rules, the responsibility for examining the application still lies with the state through which the person first entered the EU.
The first tensions in the new solidarity system have already emerged. Seven states have requested Italy to take back migrants, while the Italian government has asked for additional compensations - not currently provided for by EU legislation - for migrants rescued at sea by NGO vessels and disembarked in Italian ports.
A bilateral meeting between Italian Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi and his German counterpart Alexander Dobrindt, scheduled for early September, will open a new phase in the debate on European solidarity. Discussions will continue at the October meeting of the Internal Affairs Council.
The main focus will be on establishing the solidarity mechanism for 2027. Italy and Spain may find themselves on the same side of the table this time, seeking larger contributions from other states after a summer marked by diplomatic tensions between Rome and Madrid.
Return centers, the next controversy
Another essential component of the European strategy is accelerating the return of illegal migrants.
In June, a new regulation in this field was finalized, considered the strictest to date. It allows member states to send migrants to a country with which they do not necessarily have a direct or indirect connection, provided there is a bilateral agreement to establish return centers in that country.
The so-called "return centers" could operate in two ways. In the first scenario, they would be transit centers where individuals would stay until their return to the country of origin. In the second scenario, they could become places where migrants are held for a longer period without a clear guarantee of subsequent return to the country of origin.
Some European governments are actively seeking partner countries, especially in Asia and Central Africa, with the aim of concluding the first such agreement by the end of the year, according to a diplomat cited by Euronews.
Germany, Austria, Denmark, Greece, and the Netherlands are working together on this project and are reportedly in discussions with Uganda and Rwanda. Immigration ministers from these five countries are set to evaluate the progress of negotiations at a meeting in Copenhagen on September 4.
The initiative of the five states could become a model for a broader European policy, but the project is already facing criticism from civil society, practical difficulties, and the possibility of legal actions.
"So far, it is unclear who is responsible for migrants in a return center, how long they can stay there, who monitors their conditions, and who provides effective avenues of redress in case of human rights violations," says Colombi.
He believes that European legislation is intentionally vague to give member states a wide margin of action.
"I think there will be lawsuits against these centers once they are effectively implemented. There is a risk that the project will be entirely rejected by the Court, as was the case with the UK-Rwanda migration scheme," the researcher added.